In search of pillars | Tingchao Chang

As my project is a relatively academic one, it’s always desirable to make a bulk of literature review in advance. Here, I would like to share some key concepts related to my research topic and the ideas I recently figured out from the academic research. The concepts I provide here extend from the global level to the local level, and also from the practical issues to the theoretical issues.

l   Cultural Landscape and Military landscape

The concept of military landscape is quite new in the field of cultural heritage. The first journal article specifically coping with military landscape (Woodward 2014) appeared no later than 2014. The only site regarding modern military landscape on the tentative list is “The Walk of Peace from the Alps to the Adriatic – Heritage of the First World War,” submitted by Slovenia in 2016. The heritage value of military landscape as a category of negative landscape is self-evident, but the conservation, management and development strategies of military landscape are still in progress.

The concept of cultural landscape is rather mature. First introduced in 1992 by the World Heritage Convention, cultural landscape has already long been spread to every corner of the world. There are three subcategories which the World Heritage Committee adopts, one of which Matsu most matches to is “organically evolved landscapes.” This kind of landscape results from the need of initial purposes, such as plantation, and the interrelated evolution both human activities and natural environment. In the sense of battlefield heritage in Matsu, the landscape is undoubtedly evolved from both the hilly landform and the military purpose. It reflects the local’s daily lives and memories which are substantially influenced by the history of the cold war period and the mobilization of militarized society.

However, do the military memories really dominate the island? In the operational guidelines for world heritage (2017), the “organically evolved landscapes” can be again divided into two kinds: the relict (fossil) landscape and the continuing landscape. Such categorization can be used to prove the insufficiency of the concept of military landscape on the island because Matsu is still alive after the end of the war (at least de jure). The agricultural activities, religion beliefs and the traditional settlement are also inherited until today, while the frangibility of them is equally serious to the battlefield heritage. In later paragraphs, I’ll explain more in the aspect of local community in the recent decades.

The fortification on the island (Dongyin) is unboutedly the outcome of both human activities and natural environment.

l   The recent local community in Matsu

The particularity of Matsu has attracted some scholars’ interests from different disciplines. Among them, the research most related to my topic is Huang’s (2011) MA thesis from the Department of Architecture. He put much effort in the clarification and identification of battlefield heritage as a military landscape in Matsu islands, which is definitely helpful to me. In his work, the original idea and framework of the planning of nomination together with the relation between local community and heritage are distinctly shown. 

Lin (2013), a professor in cultural anthropology from my alma mater, NTU, had made a series of research related to the local community in Matsu, one of which is concerning the community mobilization through the heritage. She observeed that the strategy of preservation traditional settlement in the first stage of development doesn’t work well because of various reasons. In contrast, the mobilization of temple construction is actually the way all the stakeholders are interested to involve in. This, along with my travel experience, shows that the religion aspect is still dominant in the local community which should not be overlooked from the integrity of the landscape, including intangible and tangible, as a whole.

The construction of new temple (the big one in the picture) is the ethnographic work Lin did in Nangan, Matsu.

l   The relation of community mobilization and nation building in Taiwan

In Taiwan, the heritage issue is highly related to the community mobilization. In other words, the heritage conservation is often just a strategy to achieve the goal of community mobilization. Matsu, in spite of its particular political situation, also follows the entanglement of community mobilization and nation building. The entanglement is even more complicated because of the diverse history to Formosa (the island of Taiwan). To sort out the context of community mobilization, Lu’s (2001) and Huang & Hsu’s (2011) works provide profound insights to the special experience of Taiwan in the different moments of the timeline. By the way, both Lu and Hsu also now works in NTU, the former in the Department of Anthropology and the latter in the Department of Geography.

In Lu’s work, she proved that the community mobilization as a tool of inventing/recapturing locality (local culture) supported by the central government is embedded in a larger context of the nation, or the “imagined community”, building. We imagine that every place has its own culture, as Taiwan has its own “exclusive” culture different to China. The research into future development of community mobilization was completed by Huang & Hsu’s work. Years later, the community policy of the government had an “economic turn” that the infrastructure, service, administration and tourism are more encouraged than before. The local community organizations became an agent between the government and the citizens. More experts and scholars are introduced to assist and instruct the development of the local community. In my personal viewpoint, this tendency is still prevailing in Taiwan.

The experience activity of traditional fishery held by the local community organization with the aim of promoting tourism.

After this kind of organizing previous research, I think I nearly figure out the pillars of my research in Matsu. Also, I feel very fortunate that there are so many works I can refer to. In the worldwide level, it’s the framework of cultural landscape in the aspects of definition, identification, preservation and management. In the nationwide level, it’s the context of community mobilization in the larger political and socio-economic context. As for the local level, it’s the part I have to focus more on: what the appropriate concept of heritage best fits the local’s memory in the island?

Huang, Li-Ling & Hsu, Jinn-yuh. 2011. “From Cultural Building, Economic Revitalization to Local Partnership? The Changing Nature of Community Mobilization in Taiwan.” International Planning Studies 16, no. 2: 131-150. https://doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2011.561058.

Huang, Hui-Chien. 2011. “Preservation Values for the War Heritage – A Case Study of the Military Cultural Landscape in Matsu.” [In Chinese] MA Thesis, National Cheng Kung University.

Lin, Wei-Ping. 2013. “Why Build a Temple? The Materialization of New Community Ideals in the Demilitarized Islands between China and Taiwan.” [In Chinese] Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies 92: 1-33.

Lu, Hsin-Yi. 2001. “The Politics of Locality Making a Nation of Communities in Taiwan.” PhD diss., University of Washington.

Woodward, Rachel. 2014. “Military landscapes Agendas and approaches for future research.” Progress in Human Geography 38, no. 1: 40-61. https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132513493219.

World Heritage Center, UNESCO. 2017. “Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention.” 

Real Life Impact: How Can I Make My Contribution Matter. Jika Beishebaeva

Okay, so as I want to do something really useful for stakeholders of my thesis project, I am thinking now what is the impact it is going to have. 
Just to remind you: I was planning to write about preserving Kyrgyz traditional felt carpet production through women entrepreneurship first. Then after some research I realized that there are actually many initiatives going on in this field, and I would better choose something less developed but important as well to be able to make a real contribution. So my choice is Kyrgyz traditional costumes, I am going to pick one and restore it with the help of professionals. I presented my first topic in the class, because I did not have any data for the second one to the moment. 
Right now, this post is more a discourse and self-brainstorming on what is the impact this ambitious project is going to have.

As I told in my previous post, I need to figure out which costume to choose exactly - which region of Kyrgyzstan, will it be male costume or female, what time period I will take. This is one part. Another thing  is to find sources in archives to make sure the chosen costume is real. 

I want to tell a little bit about the today's situation with costumes in Kyrgyzstan. After the collapse of Soviet Union, Kyrgyz self-identity started to arise. It does not mean that during Soviet time it was oppressed, but Kyrgyz costumes were mostly used during holidays. And since the collapse, there were more and more organizations which promoted Kyrgyz traditions and culture. Many handicraft entrepreneurship companies started to work, and not all of them were of a good quality. Kyrgyz costume for women became not only something special for holidays, but a part of everyday wear. There are many things produced: dresses, coats, shirts... Today I can easily differ a good, let's say, "authentic" (even if I try to avoid this word) wear from a cheap massive product which barely can be called as real. That is the problem: the majority of people who put on those costumes do not really think about the originality of patterns, materials, design... It seems "Kyrgyz" and it is fine. 
So, after I restore one of the costumes (I think I will choose a female one) I will work on the promotion as well. During the realization of the project, I will spread a word about it, will notify Ministry of Culture, NGOs which work in cultural sphere, mass media, designers, artisans, etc. I will organize a presentation of course, and will make sure this costume is officially registered. 

Impact? Well, I am sure as people will get to know about it, they will start to use it. Designers will replicate it into mass production. They can even use the word "authentic" for better sales. Depending on their price range they will use different materials, but the design itself will still be real. 
I think the knowledge of a real costume will make women more self-confident and proud that they wear Kyrgyz costume. 
I am sure this project will raise historical debates as well. Most probably, different theories of authenticity and origins of Kyrgyz culture will be discussed.

The African Rhythm | Osward Chanda

The sounds of Peter Kalumba Chishala, Paul Ngozi, Alick Nkhata, Tshala Muana, Kanda Bongoman, Awilo Longomba, Oliver Mthukudzi, Maureen Lilanda, Pontiano Kaiche, Angela Nyirenda and many others make a soulful experience on a long drive in the country. For old timers this may be a nostalgic experience. As a consolation, many find solace even in the modern sounds of youngsters.

In the past, Drums were as powerful as media institutions are today. Apart from being a tool for mass communication, they were the medium by which the souls of our ancestors had intercourse with the metaphysical world. They were iconic and, at the same time, their influence was felt in a more personal manner. They were the ‘Facebook’, ‘WeChat’, ‘Twitter’, ‘Instagram’, ‘Google’, ‘telephone’, ‘television’, ‘hospital’, and so on, of African life. Their role went beyond music, to include the entire existence of an African. Drums have played a major role in installations of chieftains, at traditional healing rites, initiation of girls and boys at puberty, during marriage ceremonies, at feasts, traditional ceremonies, naming ceremonies, and so on. Their role in modern society seems relegated to traditional ceremonies, state functions, and several other activities.

At the monthly Writers’ Circle gathering in Lusaka in 2011 Maliya Mzyece Sililo, a senior language lecturer and cultural expert, remarked that Pentecostal churches had contributed to the destruction of African culture. She stressed 😢departure from drums (ngoma) and embracing of the piano and guitar in churches as one of the major factors that killed our culture.

Related to this, a Lusaka cleric Patrick Osagie, PhD, proved in his academic thesis that African music should not be driven away from churches. He stated that Pentecostal churches would have more impact if they incorporated African culture in their activities as the Catholics and Muslims had done. That African culture and the gospel ought to consummate their marriage and become one was his emphasis.

Interestingly, one of the most powerful establishments to have graced the Zambian scene with music is named Mondo Music Corporation Limited. Mondo is also a personal name among the Lunda of Luapula Province and among the Bemba people drawn from a traditional instrument that played the role of a “talking drum.” Another variant among the Lunda of Northwestern Province with similar meaning is Mwondo. Beat in a certain way, the talking drum was believed to have the capacity to send specific messages across great distances without requiring the services of a messenger.

Below is a sample of some anthroponyms (human names) which relate to musical instruments. Most of these are from Zambian languages, with few exemptions such as Acholi, Ganda and Langi (Uganda), Kongo (Angola, Congo DR), Igbo, and Yoruba (Nigeria), Shona (Zimbabwe), Swahili (Congo DR, Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Tanzania, Zambia, etc.) and Tswana (Botswana). Chewa and Ngoni languages, among others, are shared between Zambia and Malawi. The names are in bold letters, followed by their meanings in single inverted commas and the languages in which they exist are in parentheses:

Ayandele ‘the drummer has come home’ (Yoruba)

Chingomangoma ‘skillful drummaker’ (Luchazi)

Hangoma ‘drummer’; one fond of making drums (Tonga)

Ikoro ‘the drum of the tribe’ (Igbo)

Kalizangoma ‘a drum beater’ (Kongo)

Kamangu ‘a kind of drum’ (Kunda, Bemba)

Kigoma ‘small drum’ (Swahili)

Lishomwa 'royal drum' (Lozi)

Luneta ‘trumpet’ (Luvale)

Mondo ‘a talking drum’ (Bemba, Lunda)

Moropa ‘drum’ (Tswana)

Mwendabala ‘a drum beat (Kaonde)

Ngoma ‘drum’ (Bemba, Chewa, Kongo, Shona)

Nakibuule ‘drum’; one of the special drums in Buganda kingdom (Ganda)

Obilo ‘home for making music’ (Acholi, Langi)

Tsangoma ‘a drum beater’ (Ngoni)

Zilire ‘play the drums’ (Nsenga)

Furthermore, in their collective social anthropological study titled The Quest for Fruition through Ngoma: The Political Aspects of Healing in Southern Africa, Rijk van Dijk, Ria Reis & Marja Spierenburg (2000) used the word Ngoma to refer to various aspects of life in Central and Southern Africa, and beyond the continent whose (geographical and cultural) extent have not yet been determined. These included rainmaking rituals, the initiation of the coming of age girls and boys, installation of the chieftaincy, celebrating regional and national political leaders, dancing with masks, and traditional healing rituals, songs, panegyrics, phrases, and so on. John M. Janzen’s study titled Ngoma, Discourse of Healing in Central and Southern Africa (1992) also sychronise with the above troika’s findings.

Even in the absence of a drum, these practices are referred to as Ngoma as long as they represent transition from one social state to another.

Additionally, in Jane Harrison’s (and subsequently, Victor Turner’s) worldwide classification of sacra – sacred objects and practices – among religions, drums and other musical instruments fell in the main category, while masks, mirrors and mbusa – pottery emblems – fell in a lower group.

Earlier, the Catholic Church stood against African culture, labeling it as fetishism, animism and paganism. Jean-Baptiste Sourou observed that culture was not in the good terms with, “the Catholic Church or other Christian denominations since the beginning of evangelisation in Africa… Before Vatican II, the official liturgical language of the Catholic Church in African villages had been Latin.” He further observed:

“… their music and dance, and their prayers and other observances were considered by the first missionaries to be barbarism, fetishism, idolatry

For many Africans who had become Christians, the imposition of the missionaries provoked a real question of identity, many of which were collected in 1956 in the theological manifesto, ‘The black priests question themselves’.”

Following a series of Vatican Pontifical Councils and Bishopric Synods from the 1960s through the 90s and early 2000s, efforts were made to make the Church, “more at home in Africa, and Africans … more and more at home in the Church… one could use African musical instruments in church, celebrate Mass in the indigenous languages, and sing and translate the Bible into African languages.”

Concerning African culture, Pope Benedict XVI talked of making the cardinal distinction between culture and cult. “African Christians can and must be African and Christian. This will enrich our continent,” (Sourou).

Under the leadership Rev. Professor Yolanda Norton, Grace Cathedral in San Francisco, United States holds what they call the Beyoncé Mass on Wednesday nights since 2017 and are using Beyoncé Knowles’ music as a tool for evangelism. I think that this was an outrageous step, which may be equated to cult practices, for the church to take. This example by no means comparable to the embrace of African culture. Culture is to be held in higher esteem as it is more definitive of a people’s identity.

The African rhythm should not die a silent death. It is a significant part of the African identity. The rhythm in itself is neutral, just like any instrument or music genre can be used to convey any message – secular or religious.

Links

http://www.saflii.org/za/journals/AHRLJ/2014/9.html

https://www.gracecathedral.org/about-the-beyonce-mass/

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/african-studies-review/article/van-dijkrijk-reisria-and-spierenburgmarja-eds-the-quest-for-fruition-through-ngoma-the-political-aspects-of-healing-in-southern-africa-athens-ohio-university-press-oxford-james-currey-2000-172-pp-bibliography-index-4495-cloth-2295-paper/FC5C9D9A2EF09D717CB25E608365BC26